63 per cent of the over-60 white vote
qualifies for that distinction. But off to die in the elephants'
graveyeard? Wishful thinking – or needless fear, as the case may
be. Early Republican despair at the loss of the presidential election
was slightly excessive, as if their side had been the more likely
winner. Many leading Republicans now call for party reform (see,
e.g., William Saletan, Washington Post, November 18). Here is
a transatlantic view of the outcome of November 6, 2012.
I doubt the GOP will go into reform.
The loss was by no means that serious, and the party core is too
entrenched. In particular, the closeness of the race reveals the
continuing strength of the Republicans and the depth of the division
in the country – very much one of culture – between Obama's
voters and Romney's. Obama's win was only by 50.66 per cent to 47.69 per cent. A 3 per cent loss for Romney is hardly a landslide for Obama, only just enough
to be a convincing victory. Then, of course, the House of
Representatives remains solidly Republican and in control of the
all-important budget.
Many Republican bloggers suggest ways
in which the Republicans can make themselves more attractive to
younger voters in the future. Go for the gay vote (which evidently
was a significant help to Obama); court the immigrants, pursue the
women's vote. Such ideas may make theoretical sense, but I don't
think these groups are likely to be more favored by the GOP in the
future than they have been until now, unless there is a GOP candidate
who personally embodies such values. At most there might be a female candidate -
in the Palin mode? Hardly a winning card. Condoleezza Rice? Not
unthinkable, but a long shot for the nomination in a party that still
hides a lot of racism. Other types of off-the-beaten-track Republican
candidates seem unlikely to me.
As for religion and abortion, one
cannot shift the GOP stance on questions like these without
undermining core Republican convictions. All told, it seems that when
the Republicans score, they do so less on issues than on basic
ideology and appealing to people's aspirations to be rich some day. As many have already pointed out, if this had been only the party of the rich it would hardly have had a chance to win this election. In sum, my guess is
that GOP reform is not going to happen.
There is another reason why I think so.
The present mode of inside GOP politics is (to my guess) more in tune with the Tea Party people and the huge
jungle of lopsided right-wing media reporting than any reformed party
platform is likely to be. The Republican Party had a dominant elite
in the 1950s and -60s that was intellectual and moderate in its
leanings. It is pretty clear that this former moderate Republican
consensus at the top was broken gradually during the two decades before 1980. What I believe happened was that a widespread set of fundamentalist populist views started simmering up from the
Republican small-town and countryside communities, first to the state
level - most prominently in California with Governor Ronald Reagan
during the 1970s, then moving on with Reagan to the national level. This is no research finding, just a collection of personal impressions.
I remember being very surprised during
my first year in the US (1961-62) to encounter the fundamentalist
Republican views typical of my small, friendly Iowa host town. My
surprise was due to their fairly uniform and rigid views on
«socialism» («socialized medicine» especially) and religion,
which to me seemed very different from the impressions I had had of
the public image of Eisenhower Republicans at the national level.
Then, two years later, along came Barry Goldwater, the Arizona
fundamentalist representing the Republicans opposite Lyndon Johnson
in the 1964 presidential elections. The controversy within the
Republican party over the Goldwater candidacy and his poor showing
was immense. Such primitive views, one gathered, were not to be
launched again by the GOP in a nation-wide campaign.
Also indicative of the moderate stance
at this time was the fact that the term «conservative» was not in
use in Republican US politics, except by the curious phenomenon William Buckley,
who showed up in the talk shows in the late 1960s. He turned out to
be much before his time (though many of us then thought the
opposite). And true enough, Nixon won in 1968 with a much more
subdued Republican message than Goldwater four years before. Not
until 1980 did the small-town, Goldwater brand of conservative
Republicanism reappear, this time making a smashing success. The
personality of Ronald Reagan was of course very much part of the
reason for this success.*
Since then, the fundamentalist base has
ruled the GOP. Demographic change is eroding it, but it is still very
much alive. Just look at the states Romney won. There is still plenty of space between the coasts for Republican fundamentalism.
One reason why
Republicans might also look to the future with some confidence at this time could be that the midterms of 2014 are not so far away. The Five-Thirtyeight Blog of the New
York Times gives figures (November 18) from US mid-term elections since 1946. These
simple statistics show convincingly that the President's party –
Republican or Democrat – almost always loses the House of
Representatives in the subsequent mid-terms. Good news for the GOP, uncertainty for the US as a whole.
Clearheaded leadership is required not just from the President, but also from those who oppose him and hold the key to a sensible way out of the jam they have all been in for too long. Even we on the outside are getting tired and dismayed by the long trend of fundamentalism in US
politics, which is distracting the country from playing constructively in world politics.
Fortunately, good sense won at least the top post in this election. And it is
reassuring to learn along the way that there are still people around
who call themselves «liberal Republicans» - and who voted for
Obama.
* See also "How the Republicans Got that Way" by Sam Tanenhaus, New York Review of Books, May 24, 2012.
* See also "How the Republicans Got that Way" by Sam Tanenhaus, New York Review of Books, May 24, 2012.
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